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By Lloyd Mackey

Any examine Stephen Harper and the recent Conservative celebration calls for an exam of the evangelical Christian legacy popping out of either the Canadian Alliance and revolutionary Conservative events. In Stephen Harper: The Case for Collaborative Governance, award-winning journalist Lloyd Mackey discovers how Harper handles this legacy conscientiously, tracing the impression of the writings of such spiritual icons as C.S. Lewis and Malcolm Muggeridge on Harper’s global view.In this significantly acclaimed biography, Mackey examines the interface among religion and politics in Harper’s lifestyles, the significance of his heritage as an economist in informing his guidelines, and the effect of his spouse and kids in shaping the chief of the Conservative party.Drawing from many of the elements of Harper’s existence, Mackey deals symptoms on what to anticipate from Harper’s best ministership, and the types of innovations he'll be required to undertake to win the following election. Now, with a brand new ultimate bankruptcy within the revised paperback version, Mackey analyses the present political weather and identifies the demanding situations dealing with Harper in his position as Canada’s new major minister.

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After leaving politics, Hawkes spent a few more years in college administrative work and then learned to curl and golf. He manages a faith linkage as well, attending Grace Presbyterian Church, where his wife, Joanne, is a member. And there, on occasion, during the coffee break after Sunday 30 b e n e at h t h at d u l l e x t e r i or morning service, he will talk politics with Jim Prentice, Conservative mp for Calgary Centre-North. In fact, just days before my interview with Hawkes (two months before the Montreal policy convention), Prentice was widely quoted as saying he believes, as does Grace Presbyterian, that marriage is between a man and a woman, but .

Manning had to grapple with that problem, and there was some sense in the leader’s office and among the caucus officers that maintaining that discipline was a bit like herding cats. So for Harper an informal leadership role was emerging as the new party was finding its feet. He was in the right place, in an office just around the corner from that of the leader, accessible to many of his fellow mps. Even though 13 LLOYD M ACKE Y newly married, Harper kept long hours on the Hill. Not being a party type, he had a door open during those evenings to anyone who wanted to drop by to talk policy or politics or simply to complain or commiserate.

Harper became president, at one point, of a strong youth wing in the riding. Hawkes suggests that Harper’s social skills were “not the greatest,” but Harper made up for it by being bright and reliable. This was a time of philosophical metamorphosis for Harper that had likely begun with his decision to move from Toronto to Edmonton after high school to work in the oil patch. *** In his home in Toronto, the politics were Liberal in a rather gentle and sedate establishment way. Coincidentally, the church of choice in the Harper home was United.

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