By Cathy Schneider
In 1973, military introduced a violent assault opposed to the Chilean presidential palace and Santiago's slums and shantytowns. For ten years, merely the Catholic Church was once in a position to defy the army regime. Then, in 1983, scholars, staff, and shantytown citizens stormed the streets difficult the resignation of Augusto Pinochet. The protests raged for 3 years and, in 1989, democratic elections have been held. the next 12 months a brand new civilian executive took place of work. Cathy Lisa Schneider examines this democratic transition from the ground up, the struggles of negative humans to create and maintain prepared resistance, to probability their lives to struggle tyranny. either an oral historical past in line with over 100 interviews gathered in shantytowns and a comparative sociological learn that explores political ameliorations between diversified shantytowns in Santiago, this publication analyzes the context during which the city bad make offerings approximately their lives, and the political histories that form their imaginative and prescient. writer be aware: Cathy Lisa Schneider is Assistant Professor on the college for overseas stories at American college.
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Additional info for Shantytown Protest in Pinochet's Chile
Although both Marxist parties advocated collective owner- 3I THE MAKING OF THE CHILEAN LEFT ship of the means of production, they fought over questions of agency, strategy, and tactics. The dispute was especially severe during the early thirties, when the Communists eschewed political alliances and attacked Socialists from the left. When the Communist Party attempted to form a popular antifascist front coalition in 1935, it was the Socialists who resisted incorporation. The rivalry between the two Marxist parties opened new opportunities for the small Partido Radical (PR, Radical Party) which, until the World War I, had represented small capitalists in mining, agriculture, and manufacturing.
Twelve days later, Marmaduque Grove was himself overthrown. The shortlived socialist republic, however, left an indelible impression on the Chilean working class. For the next four months, instability within the military continued. Unable to quell its internal dissension, the military returned to its barracks in October 1932. Alessandri was reelected president, and Chile entered a long period of uninterrupted democratic stability. The struggles of the twenties gave birth to a new Marxist party, the Partido Socialista de Chile (ps, Socialist Party of Chile), in 1933.
Factory workers interspersed among nonindustrial poor in many neighborhoods; since many of the former were unionized and much of the union movement was Marxist influenced, the factory workers provided a core of established supporters in many urban neighborhoods" (Nelson 1979, 61). By 1947, over 90 percent of Chile's working classes lived in these squalid overcrowded settlements. Communist Party organizing efforts often, thus, combined the issues of housing and work. Between 1943 and 1944, labor, under Communist and Socialist leadership, struck an average of 35 THE MAKING OF THE CHILEAN LEFT 109 times a year, mobilizing over 43,000 workers each year.