By Joe Soss
Disciplining the Poor explains the transformation of poverty governance during the last 40 years -- why it occurred, the way it works at the present time, and the way it impacts humans. within the strategy, it clarifies the valuable function of race during this transformation and develops a extra distinctive account of the way race shapes poverty governance within the post-civil rights period. Connecting welfare reform to different coverage advancements, the authors examine assorted varieties of info to explicate the racialized origins, operations, and results of a brand new mode of poverty governance that's concurrently neoliberal -- grounded in industry rules -- and paternalist -- occupied with telling the terrible what's most sensible for them. The learn strains the rolling out of this new regime from the federal point, to the nation and county degrees, all the way down to the service-providing corporations and frontline case employees who take disciplinary activities in person circumstances. the result's a compelling account of the way a neoliberal paternalist regime of poverty governance is disciplining the bad this day.
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Extra info for Disciplining the Poor: Neoliberal Paternalism and the Persistent Power of Race (Chicago Studies in American Politics)
Indeed, in Mary Jackman’s (1994) view, the political importance of paternalism lies precisely in its capacity to make coercive force less necessary for the maintenance of unequal power relations. Third, because governing arrangements are always supported by multiple rationales, paternalist governance cannot be limited to activities “justiﬁed by reasons referring exclusively” to the well-being of the governed. In practice, it is motivated by a mix of public purposes, particularistic interests, and beliefs about what is good for the poor.
As money became more central to elections, spiraling inequality concentrated this resource at the top of the income distribution. S. households with incomes over $100,000 per year (APSA Taskforce 2004). Both major parties reorganized their operations to reﬂect their growing dependence on afﬂuent donors (Campbell 2007a). For Republicans, this focus ﬁt easily into a pro-business policy agenda. For Democrats, it created signiﬁcant cross-pressures and incentives to downplay questions of inequality, redistribution, and social protection.
Since the passage of the Quality Housing and Work Responsibility Act of 1998, the federal government has required recipients of public housing aid to work or volunteer each month and has made TANF sanctions a basis for denying rent reductions due to lost income. Similar changes were made to food assistance. Today, recipients of the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly known as Food Stamps) must register for work, accept suitable employment, and participate in work-promoting programs as a condition of aid.