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Because she and Susan already knew the classroom well before the formal study began, I was the one who needed to spend some time casing the pre-k site, observing how the people who were routinely there organized themselves in the time and space of their school days. I usually visited in the mornings before the children’s lunch and rest times, influenced by my schedule (I taught my own classes in the afternoon) and by the local adage that “everything happens 36 On the Case: Approaches to Language and Literacy Research in the morning” in public schools.
She painted without talking until Ms. Yung asked her if she was finished with her painting and wanted to hang it up; Ashley said yes. I also noted that some children came to the classroom after circle time ended, often with a parent or grandparent who talked with Ms. Yung—especially if she or he spoke only Cantonese—or Casing the Joint 37 with the assistant teacher, Ms. Cipriano, to explain the lateness. The posted schedule was not so rigid that these late entrances caused disruption. In fact, while I observed, there were various interruptions as other teachers took children out for special services, so days were punctuated by intrusions that appeared to be routine.
Socioeconomic circumstance can be roughly indexed by whether children qualify for the federal lunch program. Over time, researchers may learn how students define themselves and others in the local situation. In one of our projects (Dyson, 2003), a child whose mother was White and whose father was Chinese declared herself African American. Given that the dominant categories in her school were “White” and “African American,” she deemed herself “African American,” which, to her, meant that she was not White.