By Jonathan Scott
This publication completes the examine of the existence and political considered Algernon Sidney (1623-1683), which started with Algernon Sidney and the English Republic, 1623-1677 (1988). within the procedure it deals a reinterpretation of the main political difficulty of Charles II's reign, and of its eu and seventeenth-century contexts. Like its predecessor, the publication spans the disciplines of highbrow and political heritage. Its dual concentration is the final six years of Sidney's existence, which culminated within the well-known public drama of his trial and execution for treason in 1683, and in his significant political paintings, the Discourses touching on govt, which was once used as proof opposed to him on the trial. This intertwining of occasions and ideas demands an exam of the connection among the sensible and highbrow points of the difficulty of 1678-1683 ordinarily.
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Additional resources for Algernon Sidney and the Restoration Crisis, 1677-1683
1 9 8 . 14 The Restoration crisis as it had its predecessor. This was the force, not of party organisation, but of public religious and political belief. It was this, not Shaftesbury's party organisation, which lay beind the political upheaval of 1678 to 1683. In the face of this hurricane, numerous individuals and groups made what political running they could. Among these Shaftesbury was far from the most successful, or important. It was the progress of this belief which underlay all of the successive stages of this crisis (see chapters 2-3 below).
68, 98, 103-4. , pp. 146—7: Among Sir William Temple's nominees for the new ministry, it was 'Lord Halifax . . whom the king . . kicked a t . . more than any of the rest'. P. Kenyon's Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunder land 1641-1703 (Cambridge 1958); and Foxcroft's Life and Letters of Sir George Savile. Kenyon went on to edit Halifax's Complete Works (1969). The shape of the future 25 tesbury was a frustrated courtier, but he chose the wrong issue to try to force himself back into the court. It was the wrong issue partly because it was peripheral, and by this he marginalised himself from the political situation.
Oxford 1955), vol. II, p. 5 8 9 . See pp. 5 8 , 1 Z - A below. 67 By them he did not mean there were two organised or institutionalised parties, let alone that they developed around the issue of exclusion. He meant to draw rueful attention to a much more complete fragmentation of political life; an illness of the body politic, caused by Stuart misgovernment, for a thinker who continued to seek the Elizabethan and Platonic ideal of organically ordered unity and harmony. Andrew Browning also identified in this period 'parties' which were not 'what .